Allmutter, a cosmic primal religion of the divine All-Mother

By Herman Wirth

With the determination of the time and meaning of the rock carvings discovered in the Palatinate, we enter a new and decisive phase of our human intellectual history—our intellectual prehistory. For the first time, we have discovered monuments that form the link between historical and prehistoric, primeval times. The direct and continuous tradition that connects the "Old Italics" of the Palatinate with the last Ice Age cultural bearers of southwestern, Atlantic Europe both by blood and spirit enables us to establish a knowledge based on symbolic writing history in place of the previous "-isms," the working hypotheses of the related specialized sciences (prehistory, comparative religious history, ethnology). We now have epigraphic evidence (Altamira, Mas d’Azil), contemporary documents whose interpretations are made possible by the "Old Italic" inscriptions of the Palatinate, and we no longer need to undertake very questionable reconstruction attempts with the help of equally questionable traditions of so-called "primitives" or "natural peoples." The time of these "-isms," in which some grains of truth also lie here and there, is now definitively over. We obtain a secure foundation of knowledge that enables us to trace the successive younger stages of the continuous tradition of a primeval community of blood and spirit from the distant past to our century. The starting point is always those conceptual signs, ideograms, which represent the intellectual creation of a North Atlantic primeval race, the later white race, the homo sapiens diluvialis europaeus.

As for these "Old Italic" rock carvings, they are inscriptions, carvings, also combined with symbolic signs and symbols, which Ing. Ludwig Schmidt (Kaiserslautern) brought to light after years of tireless searching on and in the mountains and rocks in the area of the Palatinate and its surroundings. The inscriptions, which mostly consist of two to three letters of the type of Latin capital script, are of a formulaic character, manifested in the frequent same sign combinations, ligatures.

In vain did Ludwig Schmidt attempt to obtain clarification from various public authorities regarding his ever-expanding material. It was not considered significant: "perhaps Roman" - "later" - "modern" - "banal," and so on. Eventually, Schmidt reached out to the scholar of primal symbols and primal religious history, Herman Wirth in Marburg an der Lahn. At first glance at the material, it was clear to me that this must be ancient religious tradition, even if it concerned popular ancient beliefs in Gaul during the Roman era. However, I then came across highly archaic features such as the E: and E:S, as well as other ligatures like HE - ME, etc. - unmistakably pointing in one direction.

The bearers of these cultic script monuments in the Palatinate must have been those peoples between the Germans and Celts, as was targeted in a joint study by three specialists, Rolf Hartmann, Georg Kosak, and Hans Kuhn (1962). These previously unrecognizable and undetectable peoples are, however, of great importance for obtaining an overall picture of ancient and proto-European cultural history, as they represent the missing link in the core group of ancient European peoples, who linguistically refer to themselves with the common name teuta (meaning "people" and "land"); the Germans, Celts, and Illyrians.

The final result of the investigation by the above-mentioned three specialists was that these still unknown peoples must have mostly migrated southwards and—aside from linguistic remnants, such as in place names—remain culturally and historically elusive to us. Therefore, they were called "Italics" because they migrated southward, over the Alps, into Italy, and have been attested through inscriptions in Central and Southern Italy from the middle of the last millennium BCE. The migration from the northwestern region of Germania and the northern region of Gaul must have occurred before the older Ice Age (Hallstatt Culture), as the Germans and "Old Italics" seem to have shared the word for "ore" (bronze) (Old Italic aife, Latin aes, Gothic aiz), but no longer the word for "iron," Old Norse isarn, Gothic eisarn, which the Germans probably adopted from neighboring Celtic (isarno) during the La Tène period (around 500 BCE). The Old Italic ferzom = iron, however, corresponds to the Latin ferrum. The respective "Italic" tribes had already migrated over the Alps to Italy by then. And the "Italic" population left behind in the old homeland between the Weser and the Channel was absorbed into the Ingvaeonic Germanic and the Celtic cultures that had also advanced into northern Gaul, becoming Germanized and Celticized, which in the former case was facilitated by an older kinship in blood and culture between the "Old Italic" and Ingvaeonic Germanic peoples. Only with the material of monuments collected so far by Ludwig Schmidt are we able to recognize how strongly the continuity of their old cult symbolism has been preserved in the Germanic community in this former "Old Italic" area up to modern times.

If we now deal with the intellectual heritage of these "Old Italics" based on Schmidt's monument findings, it is no longer possible to retain this name; for they were only "Italics" during the last half-millennium BCE, from which their script monuments—true script monuments with letter script—were brought to light. Then these monuments disappear, and only Latin, Roman script, and language prevail.

The Toutons:

But before these "Italics" migrated from West Germany and Northern Gaul and Belgium to Italy, they had behind them a prehistoric history of approximately 30,000 years, which can be seen as a history of the people's spirit. And for this, their actual and very own past, we must also coin the proper ethnic name, as it is present in the Oscan touto meaning "civitas," "the community"—"Toutons." The Oscan touto meaning "civitas" is pronounced tovto and therefore also appears in texts written in Greek script as Τ’ωὐτω.

With this, they are distinguished from the other core peoples of ancient Europe—the Germans, Celts, and Illyrians—yet are integrated with their name into the overall designation of these teuta peoples. They remain particularly connected with the Ingvaeonic Germanic people of the North Sea circle, described by Pliny and Tacitus as "the first people," the main people of the Germans. The Old Italic and Ligurian Umbri and Ambrones are of the same blood and spiritual origin as the Ingvaeonic Ambrones, to which the name of the North Frisian island of Am(b)rum still refers.

The discovered Italic house urns in Italy show, on the ridge of the roof, as a gable sign, the Frisian ulebord ("uodil" board, plank), the pair of swans with the disk, i.e., the sun year wheel ⨁ (see Fig. 22), the symbol of "home," the settlement, Latin mundus, Old Italic mundos, the "community," Oscan tovto, Umbrian tota "civitas," of the "people," that teuta, which was the communal designation in Proto-Germanic: Old Frisian thiade, Old Saxon thioda, Old High German diota, etc.—all feminine.

Initially, my task as a scholar was to provide, to discover the yet-to-be-deciphered monuments with proof of the prehistoric or protohistoric character of his still-unrecognized material. Thus, I wrote an expert report in which I used a detail from the rock painting of Cueva de la Chiquita (Cañamero, Cáceres, Guadiana) as a comparative example for the corresponding motif in the Palatinate rock carvings (Fig. 1).

The Spanish rock paintings from the late Neolithic period:

The specific Spanish rock painting is to be dated around the turn of the 3rd to 2nd millennium BCE. It further serves as a primeval religious historical document that has much to convey, like the entirety of these Spanish rock paintings, which remain completely unknown. They could not be understood because the prerequisites—the knowledge of primal symbols—were missing. Thus, the great four-volume work by Henri Breuil, Les peintures rupestres schématiques de la Péninsule Ibérique (1933-35), lies like an untapped treasure trove from which, for the first time, evidence of the continuous tradition of the European primal religion can be provided, as it cannot be found in such detail in the Nordic rock carvings.

These Spanish rock paintings are of primitive and most primitive brushwork. However, the primitive brush was still able to finely reproduce the smallest details, which could not be accomplished with the stone chisel in the Bohuslän granite.

See the calendar disk from Fossum, which is actually a wooden carved disk with symbols engraved on it. The stone carver of the hällristnings could not do that; instead, he crudely hammered the most important symbols outside the edge of the disk (see Fig. 120a).

And while the Spanish rock paintings cannot compete with the monumental ship images and figures of the Bohuslän hällristningar, they do offer all the details of cult symbolism that are missing above. They are entirely small votive and consecration paintings, made by "small people," settlers, and shepherds, etc. They always contain the same themes but in an inexhaustible variability of symbolic expression: the plea to the Divine Mother for the blessing of light for life, for the new course of life, the new "year’s harvest"—the eternal rebirth, the eternal spring. One can sit for hours before the panels with these inscriptions on the walls of the rock shelter (abri), the cave—the "chapel" of some small settlement, a homestead, a hamlet—and new variations always appear. These are symbolic connections of a cosmic primal religion of the divine All-Mother. It is a touching childlike folk piety, which the people would deeply recover in the form of the Mother of God, Mary, as All-Mother over three millennia.

The Spanish rock paintings are also a much more ancient source because they represent the local continuous tradition, the native continuity of the primal religion—in a dual sense—the "Mother" religion. The Mother religion of the Neolithic megalithic tomb and rock art era of Atlantic Europe is the Upper Paleolithic culture of Atlantic Southwestern Europe from the last Ice Age—the primal religion of the Primal and All-Mother. It is only in the early Neolithic that the mythologization of the "power" emanating from the All-Mother spreads — ☍ 8 S, expressed in a mythological context as the "Son of God," who is the "messenger" (Sanskrit dūta) between heaven and earth and the guide of souls. The "year's harvest" of the Divine Mother, All-Mother, is then also transferred to him.

The Nordic rock carvings (hällristningar)

While in the Spanish rock paintings, the "year's harvest" remains almost exclusively connected with the Divine Mother in the ancient belief, in the Nordic hällristningar, the rock carvings of Bohuslän, Østfold, etc., and especially in the younger ones from Östergötland and Skåne, it has completely transitioned to the Son of God, the son of Heaven and Earth.

However, these Nordic hällristningar do not represent a local continuous tradition. Instead, the Nordic, Scandinavian hällristningar culture of the agrarian age only begins towards the end of the 3rd millennium BCE, when the megalithic farming population from the northwestern German and Danish areas retreats to southwestern Scandinavia, Bohuslän, through the Kattegat and Skagerrak, in the face of the onslaught of the battle-axe people.

As I have already demonstrated in the "New Externsteine Guide," the site "Disenberg" in southern Bohuslän, with its ⧖, ⧖⧖⧖, and ☍ symbolism, is a daughter foundation of the "Mother Stone" Externsteine in Lippe. And this "Mother Stone" was a central sanctuary of the All-Mother and a "heart-center," as our current brief investigation will further confirm.

The rock painting of Chiquita and Barranco, the Disäsen, and the Teutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate

The votive painting in the cave of Chiquita (Fig. 1) represents the Divine Mother in the kathodos (descent) of her "year's harvest," where she is depicted with lowered arms or is simply represented by symbols such as ᛏ, T, etc. From her left foot, indicated by a connecting line, the "power" emerges, represented by the smaller form ☍ of the second sign, followed by the symbol ME for the swaddled child.

The conclusion is an inscription ME, is a formula that is also found in the Toutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate, not only as M E, and as the ligature M-, but also as the E with 3 vertical dots(Fig. 2, Drachenfels Castle Ruins). Three dots, small balls, or nipples have symbolized, since the Upper Paleolithic period, the Mother Culture and in its daughter culture, the Megalithic and megalithic tomb culture, the three generations or stages of human life: children, adults, and old age; the children, the parents, and the grandparents or ancestors. Meanwhile, the number four, as seen on the E of the Chiquita rock painting, designates the petition dots coming from the four cardinal directions of the Earth to the All-Mother, to which the All-Mother then sends down the "power," "animation," symbolized as oo (See Addendum 1).

Thus, in the rock drawing from Bräcke-Lökebacken (Southern Bohuslän), belonging to the cultural circle of the Disen, we see how a row of four ancestor soul cups (älvkvarnar) ascends to the Divine Mother in the sky. Meanwhile, below, in the earthly region, under a large representation of the year's harvest, the Son of God as the "Lord of Spring" (Freyr's lineage) with his symbolic ᛉ hand, the "one who makes things sprout," bestows the S of a row of three älvkvarnar on the three ættir (clans).

The rock painting of Barranco de la Niebla

To further confirm the interpretation of the Chiquita rock painting, we now examine a similar one on the rocks of Barranco de la Niebla, Sierra Morena (Fig. 4b). The counterclockwise depiction shows the Divine Mother (or God-Son?) in descent with the "setting sun," the swaddled child with the "power," "animation" sign ☍, and the ∩ "Ur" sign as the house of the Divine Mother, represented as | at the end of her year’s course. This is the axis, the division of the ⦶ year, Winter Solstice S, Summer Solstice N, the annual solar path of "power" ; the Heaven-Earth path of the Divine Mother. The two lines || on the "Ur" are the general symbol for the radiating "power" of the Divine Mother. In the background of the ∩ "Ur," the procession of souls accompanies, with the Divine Mother as the guide of souls to rebirth in the "Ur," as ∩ she is symbolized in the Chiquita rock painting as the bringer of children, holding the souls of children on her arm.

The corresponding signs, the ∩ "Ur" as the smallest arc of the sun’s path at the winter solstice, marking the turning point of light and life — thus a calendar symbol for the month before and after the winter solstice — the line as the axis of the ⦶ solar year circle, divided at the solstice, N = summer solstice, S = winter solstice, & the sun’s path, on which the "power" comes from heaven to earth—have been thoroughly discussed (☍ in a circle) by me in the Heilige Urschrift, Chapters 1 and 9, pp. 21-90 and 259-288, Atlas Plates 1-19, 65-87.

These signs originate from a subarctic homeland observation at the Arctic Circle (around 70° N latitude) and can never be seen or experienced in the southwestern European region (around 45° N latitude). This means that the bearers of this calendrical cult symbolism were immigrants, arrivals from a northern ancestral homeland, as we will briefly discuss next. And the late Neolithic rock painters of Spain, like the Toutonic rock engravers between the Channel and the Weser, are the descendants of this people, the homo sapiens atlanto-europaeus diluvialis.

The deeply rooted ancient symbols are faithfully preserved in the new homeland. However, instead of the | sign of the Divine Mother, the X or ⧖ symbol becomes common during the megalithic tomb period.

The Toutonic rock carvings in the Palatinate

Let's now examine the Toutonic equivalents in the rock carvings of the Palatinate. Figure 6 at the Drachenfels Castle Ruins: Z E⋮ (Fig. 6). When I first reviewed Schmidt's monument material and saw this, the memory computer in my brain immediately sparked: Old Italic lead tablets with Oscan inscriptions at Zwetaloff in the "Inscriptiones Italiae Mediae Dialectae," Plate I, no. 26, where the three-dotted E appears three times, also as ᛘ(reverse ᛊ) :Ǝ (= Fig. 7).

If we compare this with a second Palatinate inscription at Kahurt (Fig. 8), we see a left-facing swan's neck, behind it the three-dotted Z sign, without E. It becomes clear that the Toutonic Z is an angular variant of the S sign, which appears as ᛋ in the Oscan and Umbrian alphabets, as Sᛋ or (small ᛋ on top of ᛋ) in the related northern Italian, such as the Faliscan, and as (mirrored ᛋ) and a ᛋ or ᛊ with the phonetic value of S in the Lepontic script.

Thus, the swan brings the: door S of the E. If we take a closer look at the swan's neck, it carries the 0—0 symbol on its head, which is the ancient symbol of the divine "power" sent from heaven to earth, where it condenses into 8 and is then sent out, radiated as Ƨ S (movement form, "course").

With this cosmic formula ☍ > 8 > Ƨ S, those North Atlanteans once journeyed to their new southwestern European homeland during the last Ice Age. This is purely Ingvaeonic, as a quick glance at the proud splendor of the gable boards of the Frisian farmhouse (Dutch Friesland) can still teach us. I was able to document these uleborden ("uodil boards") fifty years ago. Today, only a fraction of them likely remains (Plate 5, Figs. 11-18).

The Frisian "uleborden," the 8, and the "land law" of the "Mothers" time...

Regarding the "uleborden" depicted here, it is briefly noted: between the swans appear—Nos. 11-12, the ◯ or ⨁ solar year disk, ⨁ = "home," "homeland"; No. 13, the ☍; No. 14, the child; No. 15, the 8. And Nos. 16-17 show, instead of the Ƨ S curved swan necks, the corresponding Ƨ S symbol, or—No. 18, the 8. We are still standing before the primal view: one must have grown up by the North Sea to understand the symbol. The swan is the bird that guides and accompanies souls, the last migratory bird to leave the homeland to head to the sea, and the first to return. On the uleborden, it carries its neck in the shape of an S and holds the symbol firmly with its beak, as it "hisses." The Eurasian phonetic value of the "S" symbol is therefore Ƨ S, the sibilant.

But there is something else, very important to us, that the uleborden reveal, as I was still able to learn in 1923-24 from the old 80-90-year-old village carpenters: the ulebord was actually only supposed to be placed on the roof of a house belonging to someone who possessed einierde ("own land"). This showed the now-extinct, last indigenous craftsmanship—the village carpenter and the village blacksmith—as the bearers and preservers of the ancient and primal heritage from the original community; for einierde appears in Old Frisian as londriucht ("land right"), as it is known from the manuscripts of the 13th century after the Carolingian subjugation, and it generally signifies that this einierde, this einervve, egenerve, is noble, ethel, edel. The ethel, edel, othel, oedhel is the Old Frisian form for the Old High German uodil, an abbreviation of heim-uodil, heim-uote, heim-oti meaning "homeland," in the original comprehensive sense of land, house, and homestead, and kin, lineage. This has been preserved in the Alemannic-speaking area until the 20th century. See also Gothic heim-othli. From the Old Frisian londriucht of the 13th century, the ethel, oedhel, etc., Anglo-Saxon oedhil, oethel, othel, we find the connection to the two Nordic rune rows of the Annales Brunwillarenses from the Benedictine monastery Brauweiler near Cologne (10th century), which record the ☍ or odil (Fig. 129). And from there, the connection is made to the matres, metronae votive stones of the Roman period, especially to the small works of art that the Roman stonemason likely made for the Germanic soldiers and non-commissioned officers serving in the left-bank garrison legions, depicting the "Mothers" from their homeland, the protectresses of the Frauenberge.

We will return to them in the second part of our treatise. As the symbolism on the lap of their garment indicates, these legal guardians, the "Mothers" of Malstatt, watch over not only the ☍ odil, the heim oute, the "homeland," the homestead and land — just as they watch over the ☍ as "animation" from this ancestral land — the child (Fig. 128 a-c), but they also possess the power of prophecy through this "animation," just like their Gallic and Toutonic sisters (Figs. 154-156).

Continuous Tradition of the Teutonic Ancient Belief and Its Cult Institution in Gaul during the Roman Era

The fact that the Toutonic-Gallic "Mothers" cult shows a shared, ancient religious continuous tradition is of utmost importance for our investigation. This provides us with a secure foundation from the historical period to approach the solution to the question, which has so far been monumentally clarified: who is the ME with the ☍-odil-swan? First, we must become clear about the complex and obscured structure of religion and cult in Gaul since the Roman conquest. After the migration of the majority of the Toutons, the Celts initially advanced from the southeast. They had already entered the decay of the primal community and its social-religious foundation. They had military kings, state gods, and a state priesthood — the Druids. The concept and the word for "king" were foreign to the pre-migration Teutons, as well as to the Germans, and are of Celtic origin: Old Irish rí, genitive rig, Latin rex ("king"), which appears as dregs in Italy among the migrated Toutons. The primal religion of the primal community and its cultic matriarchy was likely suppressed or eliminated by these Celtic military kings and their state priesthood, the Druids, just as it was by the military kingship during the Germanic migration period, and for the same socio-political reasons: the sacred land rights with its divine soil were to be abolished, communal and clan land was to become king's and state priest's land. Away with these women!

Caesar reports in his "Gallic War" about the oppressed miser plebs, the lower class, which was ruled by the two dominant classes, the knightly order or the nobility, and the Druid caste. However, the supreme power was exercised by the privileged Druid caste, whose religion Suetonius characterized with a single sentence: druidarum religionem dirae immanitatis —"the Druid religion of dreadful inhumanity." From the accounts of Roman and Greek historians, we are informed about the terrible cruelty of human sacrifices.

Usually, slaves were sacrificed; in times of distress, women and children as well (Justin XXVI, 2; Pomponius Mela II, 2). Dio Cassius (LXII, 6) describes the refined cruelty towards captured female victims of war, whose breasts were cut off and placed in their mouths; a stake was then driven through their entire bodies from below, and the impaled were hung in the sacred grove.

The Druids prophesied from the twitching entrails of their victims (Tacitus, Annals XIV, 20; Strabo IV, 4.4). The same is reported from Britain after the conquest of Ireland by the Celtic Gaels who came from Gaul. They transformed the bright, lofty primal religion of the ancient Irish "teut" people, the Tuatha Dé Danann, the people, the "people of the Mother Danu (Anu)," the fir síde, the "people of the hill tombs," into a bloodthirsty cult of gods and idols. An example is the cult site of Cromm Cruach, to whom all firstborns had to be sacrificed, as described in the Book of Leinster (Leabhar Laighneach) about this god (English translation by MacCulloch from the Old Irish).

"He was their god,

the withered Cromm with many mists ...

To him without glory

they would kill their piteous wretched offspring,

with much wailing and peril,

to pour the blood around Cromm Cruaich.

Milk and corn

they would ask from him speedily

in return for a third of their healthy issue,

great was the horror and fear of him.

To him noble Gaels would prostrate themselves."

The tradition of the Druids has, through the later historians of antiquity who had no direct knowledge and merely copied from others, become a fantasy, a fabrication that has little or nothing to do with historical reality and truth. This includes the claim of their "natural philosophy," that they were connected with the teachings of Pythagoras, and so on. This late antique fabrication also forms the basis for the modern idealization of the Druids at the turn of the 18th/19th century, especially during the Romantic period. Further below, we will be prompted to briefly examine the so-called "tree knowledge" of these state shamans—a distortion and degradation of female spiritual heritage of more than 30,000 years. And yet, there must be a justice in the history of humanity that, in the end, the deception against women and their contribution to humanity should finally be brought to light through the history of primal symbols. This is especially true in such a crucial matter as the "tree knowledge" in Druidic teachings and the doctrine of the Fall in Mosaic Yahvism, both characteristic ideological manifestations of male power during the migration period, to which we must return later.

For the question of the continuous tradition of the primal religion and its cultic symbolism within the primal community in the former Teutonic linguistic and cultural area and its neighboring, blood-related and spiritually akin Ingvaeonic region, we can summarize as the result of our previous considerations:

The ulebord and the "uod-bringer" swan of the "maternal" primal community north and south of the Pyrenees.

The Frisian ulebord (uodil-bord) shows the guiding swans with the ☍ Old Frisian oethel, ethel (Old High German uodil) symbol (see Fig. 13 Skalsum) or with the child (see Fig. 14 Workum). At the Disen "Diesenberg" in southern Bohuslän, this ☍ is carved large on the threshold rock of the ascent. And on top of it sits the bringing swan (see EC exhibition). In the North Eurasian region, in prehistoric rock drawings from the North Atlantic through all of Siberia, the swan appears as the ☍ and child-bringer, also in gravestone settings. See "Ur." The swan is therefore the "Odebar," Old High German odobero, Middle Low German odevare, Dutch ooievaar, dialectical East Netherlandic (Saxon) euver, uiver; över "stork," also in connection with heil as heilöver.

This corresponds to the Braunschweig heilebart "stork" as uodobero "life," "bringer of animation."

The stork is the mainland, inland representative of the swan as the "bringer of life." The od is—as millennia of symbolism demonstrate—the ☍ uod—"life," "animation," and not Old High German, Old Saxon od, Anglo-Saxon ead "fortune, gold, possession, wealth." This shift in sound and meaning is another male reinterpretation of primal religious female values of life, thought, and language, which only took place during the intellectual upheaval and decline of the Germanic migration period and can be traced similarly in, for example, the borrowing in the Sami language. It was the time of Roman world civilization and material valuation of life "as the gold stream flowed from the south to the north and transformed ancestral land into purchased land," as Axel Olrik aptly described it. Here, we should note the primal community stretching from Spain to the Toutonic-Ingvaeonic region, as evidenced by the rock paintings of Spain. Here, the spiritual prehistory of the people speaks according to the laws of life and nature, from the realm of the "Mothers," whose symbolic writing cannot lie or falsify, unlike the rulers and state priests of the new power states with their inscriptions of new gods and new laws of power, which are artificially made old and placed back into the past to deceive and control the people.

We see in the text illustration a) and b), the already known rock paintings from Chiquita and Barranco, c) and d) in the rock painting from the Grotto of Rabanero (Sierra Morena): the Divine Mother in descent to Earth with the swan and her ꓶ sickle; further left d) the same with the three "Mothers" ⧖⧖⧖⧖ in "Advent"; beneath them, the dots and lines, the plea for the blessing of children; e) rock painting from La Silla, Sierra de Hornachos: the swan's substitute, the stork or crane, holding a dot in its beak, along with the "children" lines and the ☍; f) rock painting from Cantos de la Visera, El Arabi, Murcia, the pair of storks with the sent-down and reborn children R.

No further words of explanation are necessary.

In the following text image (according to Henri Breuil), an overview of the symbols for the new life, the children, the offspring, in the Spanish rock paintings is given:

a) from a single dot (a simple, small circle) and the double dot (two small, adjacent circles) up to the swaddled child symbol (a circle with a line or lines representing the wrapping or swaddling) and the "twisting" (a curved or spiral line) up to a simple line (a straight, horizontal or vertical line);
b) as a child with raised arms (a simple figure with a central vertical line and two upward diagonal lines representing arms), also in the light- and life-turning posture j (a straight vertical line with a small curve or hook at the top) or X (two intersecting diagonal lines forming a cross) and the cross stance of the mothers and motherhood of the year;
c) rock painting from the Abri de las Viñas, Zarza-Junta Alange: the souls (a series of small dots or circles), i.e., the child (a small figure or dot), who is brought down from the "world tree" (a vertical line with branching lines) the world pillar (a vertical line or column), located in the "third upper heaven" (a series of three horizontal lines stacked above each other) as the soul house (a rectangle or square representing a house). This is even passed down in the Edda, from the "faith of the old times," that the "light-elves" (Ljósálfar) (small, star-like symbols or dots), the ancestor souls, dwell in the third heaven Vídbláin (Víðbláinn "wide blue") (Gylf. 17). It is the same tradition that appeared three thousand years earlier in the Old Irish Rigveda, which we will see later. There, Agni brings the souls up and from there back to the Earth Mother for rebirth in her womb.

And in even older times, before the myth of the son of heaven and earth was created, it was the Divine All-Mother, the Heaven and Earth-Mother alone who, on these sacred paths, the ayanas (represented by a symbol of a path or road), led the souls up to the heavenly halls and from there back down to the Earth Mother for countless years. And the primal symbol tradition with the same name Ja-na will be recorded in the Toutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate as the "Geheende" (a symbol indicating a wending or turning). In the Old Italic tradition in Italy, it has already disappeared, and in its place appears a new male god, Janus, who is presented as an ancient creator god, but nothing further is known about him. However, it would reappear in a different place in a new form as the Abri de las Viñas, Zarza-Junta Alange: the souls (a series of small dots or circles), i.e., the child (a small figure or dot), brought down from the "world tree" (a vertical line with branching lines), the world pillar (a vertical line or column), which is located in the "third upper heaven" (a series of three horizontal lines stacked above each other) as the soul house (a rectangle or square representing a house). This is still passed down in the Edda, from the "faith of the old times," that the "light-elves" (Ljósálfar) (small, star-like symbols or dots), the ancestor souls, dwell in the third heaven Vídbláin (Víðbláinn "wide blue") (Gylf. 17). It is the same tradition that appeared three thousand years earlier in the Old Irish Rigveda, which we will see later. Agni brings the souls up to the heavenly halls and from there back down to the Earth Mother for rebirth in her womb.

The new "life," the new "year of life," the rebirth of souls takes place when the tree is split, and with the split half ǂ, the year is reopened.

╞ Rock painting from Las Morisca, Helechal, Guadiana: fifteen "child" lines (short vertical or horizontal lines representing children), the 16th symbol is the ⦶ "year" symbol (a circle with a cross inside, representing the year), the "head" of the All-Mother. The 16-part year is the eight-part divided and 16-part subdivided Arctic gender cycle year with its 16 halfeyktir (periods), which could only have been brought to southern Europe from the far north—along with its basic form ⦶ and the ☍ "power" or "animation symbol" (a vertical line with a small hook or curve, symbolizing life force or animation).

The Divine Mother and her three "Mothers" in the Grotto of Ussat-les-Bains (Northern Pyrenees)

That this ancient faith beyond the Pyrenees was still alive as folk belief, even after the Celts had conquered all of Gaul from the East, is demonstrated by the rock carvings in ancient cult caves on the northern side of the Pyrenees. They, like many other caves (such as Lourdes), have been preserved as cult sites in the continuous tradition of this folk belief. I refer in advance to the ᛏ T. 1-4, the carvings in the grottoes of Ussat-les-Bains (Ariège), as well as the A-D Grotto Sainte-Eulalie. The Divine Mother is depicted there with a radiant hood as the "Luminous One," along with the spinning wheel of multiple intertwined threads of life and fate, and above and below the pentagram, the "Druid's Foot" (see also the Ur). In the carving, the head is symbolically depicted as ⫯ in a radiant wreath, along with the simple (Ichthys symbol turned 45 degrees) (12) and the (angular infinity sign turned 45 degrees) interwoven threads of life and fate. The "three Mothers" are represented by 1-4 lines on the forehead as the "Many-Thinking," "Many-Knowing," with correspondingly elevated foreheads, symbolizing their spiritual elevation. With this graphic representation, we are transported back to the Indo-Germanic primal tradition. In the Edda, these disir, no longer emerging from the mythic fog of a sunken ancient faith, are called vǫlva or "great-knowing" (Völuspá 20). Even in Wulfila’s Gothic Bible translation, the word filu-disi (spirit disir), naturally Christianized, no longer means "much-knowing" but is used in the sense of "cunning."

More than two millennia earlier, the name Dhiṣāṇā appears in the Rigveda as the name of the Earth Mother, originally the Heaven and Earth Mother and the three Mothers, the "three divine women" (tisró devīr), the three dhiṣanas (tisró dhiṣaṇā), who are also called the "three Earths" (tisráḥ pṛthivīḥ, tisró bhūmiḥ). And when the male hook-plow replaces the ancient stone plow thousands of years ago and man thus creates for himself his own patron, a male sky god as "Sky-Father" (Dyauṣ pitṛ) who replaces the former Heaven and Earth Mother, reducing her to "Earth Mother" (pṛthivī bhūmi mātṛ), thus a new duality (Dua) of "Heaven and Earth" (dyāvāpṛthivī) of the Divine Mother, the dhiṣāṇā, is named. And in this duality, the new Sky Father is mentioned in the hymns of the Rigveda alongside her, but never in connection with the dhiṣāṇā. The name dhiṣāṇā itself comes from an Indo-Germanic root dheṣ meaning "to see, to think," which produces dhiṣá—that is, "thinking, mind," dhī (from dheṣ), meaning "thinking, concept, idea, religious reflection, contemplation, reverence" (Walde-Pokorny I, 831). The root of this word group is also present in Old Norse dís, Anglo-Saxon ides, and Old High German itis meaning "noble woman."

The two Palatinate rock carvings, inscriptions, Fig. 6, Drachenfels Castle Ruins and Fig. 7 (Kahurt), thus represent the plea to the E for the Z (= Ƨ) to be sent down through the swan ☍ to the three generations below. For Ƨ and S, we use the initial sound s and the corresponding word, Ingvaeonic sel, Old Norse sael, Old Italic saluos, Oscan salvus, Latin salvus, Uritalic salūs, utis ("the universal, salvation, health, rescue"). Varro (De lingua latina 5, 74) also mentions a Sabine goddess Salus. Since Varro, who was born in the Sabine land (in 116 BCE), must have still known this "Health" goddess from the Sabines, it’s likely that this deity was preserved in Sabine tradition. The Sabines, along with the Marsi and Aequi, and other smaller Old Italic dialects (Marrucini, Paeligni, Vestini, Volsci), are collectively referred to as Sabellian. As we will explore in the second part of our treatise, this Salus is a manifestation of the Divine Mother Jana-Keres, as the "Health" bringer of new years and life, already fully preserved in the Roman cult.

I pointed out in E.F. (pp. 127-128) that the rune symbol depicted in the image of Bräcke-Lökebacken (Disäsen circle), the "Advent" depiction of the Divine Mother ⧖ and the three "Mothers" ⧖⧖⧖, is present. According to Hicke's "Thesaurus" (Cotton Mss. Alba A 2 and H), this rune is part of the related ᛋ-ᛋ alliterating formula, the other part of which can only be understood as the Anglo-Saxon sel(ig), so sund and sel(ig), which in Old Norse appears as heill and saell, corresponding to Latin sanus or salvus, and is still preserved in French as sain or sauf.

That the ƧᛋZ (trident-shaped rune) sent down by the Divine Mother through her swan represents "Health," which revives and causes things to sprout again, was known in the Megalithic era, as the daughter religion of the All-Mother religion of the last Ice Age, every child! Thus, we see in the early Cycladic period, in the Kretominoan cultural circle, the Ƨ or Z as sprouting represented.

(cf. adjacent text illustration a) Seal of Platanos; b) early Cretan seal 7).

And the Frisian, Ingvaeonic uleborden (boards), originally symbolizing the World Tree, representing the makelaer between the two swans or the two ƧS symbols at its base. There is also the sun disk, the solar year ⨁ and at the same time the "home" symbol ☍ and 8, etc. (see Taf. 5, Fig. 11-18, Taf. 6, Fig. 19 a-c). The Middle Low German makelaer (m), Middle Dutch mekeler, is the term for the "support beams," "gable beams" of the farmhouse, timber-framed house. Thus, the tip of the makelaer appears as a "tripod" in the double symbol of the "sprouting" and "supporting" of the heavens’ beams [ᛉ but with a rounded roof] (Taf. 13). This Dreisproßspitze (tripod tip) is most often depicted as a Dreiblatt (three-leaf clover) (see Figs. 11, 12, 14, 16, 19 a-h), an ancient Ingvaeonic representation I (a symbol likely representing life or growth), which we also find in the Toutonic rock carvings as well as on the Old Italic house urns (see Fig. 20b). When the Godson, who is symbolized as life-renewing and sun-turning with the seasons, is depicted here, he is the son of the Divine Mother, the "Wanderer of the Year," the "One Who Makes Things Sprout," as seen in the beautiful rock carvings in the Vosges that have come down to us as a cultural monument with the left-running inscription...

... the Ƹ†-HI inscription has been preserved in a sacrificial niche. Not yet as HI, but as Ƹ†, the Divine Mother lets things sprout again. The ECCESTAN exhibition will display the image of the monument for the first time. The harmonious artwork, as if it had grown out of the stone, likely belongs to the Roman period and—like the Matron stones—served as evidence of the Roman Empire’s cult policy, which protected and promoted the Gallic (Toutonic) folk belief to counteract the oppression by the Druids, who constantly incited uprisings against Rome. With the result that—when Aetius, the last Roman governor of Gaul, finally had to surrender the land to the advancing Germans—the Druidic cult in Gaul had died out. But the cult of the Divine Mother and her three "Mothers," les trois dames blanches ("the three white ladies"), les trois bonnes dames ("the three good ladies"), along with all the ancient cult traditions, remained.

If we want to identify and uncover this still-living ancient folk belief in Gaul, in order to ascertain the E that bestows the [reverse Z] over the ⋮ from a secure foundation in symbolic and script history, we must abandon the major highways of the Celtic state gods and instead take the byways. The ostentatious god images of the Celtic state cults, influenced by the interpretatio romana—the alignment of Celtic gods of the post-migration period with Roman state deities—do not concern us at all. We must turn to the fifteen-volume work "Receueil général des bas-reliefs de la Gaule romaine" (Paris 1907-25) by Emile Espérandieu and select the "most primitive," simplest cult stones, three examples of which are shown on Plate 7, Figs. 21 a-c. These teach us, first and foremost, that these cult stones, as grave steles, proclaim the belief in rebirth, the ᛏ-ᛉ symbol. The last stone (Fig. 21c) is too weathered or damaged to discern anything more than a figure with raised arms. However, the first stone, the most "primitive" (grave stele in the Metz Museum), presents the Divine Mother, the soul guide, with a very important, extremely ancient feature: whether the head was originally "heart-shaped" can no longer be determined with certainty; but that this head has a large, long nose is unmistakable. And this large, long nose is a characteristic of the Primal and All-Mother.

The Long Nose of the All-Mother and the Divisibility of Time and Space

That this motif is a genuine example of primal and folk religion and its cosmic vision can once again be drawn from the Spanish rock paintings. The Divine Mother creates through thought. The beginning of this thinking is the divisibility of time and space. From the divisibility of time, the divisibility of space simultaneously arose.

The Year of Aditi: We can still learn this from the Vedanta, the closing period of the Vedic age in India, when the lay philosophy of the Upanishads eliminates the mixture of gods from the second Indra migration epoch, delves deeply into the primal folk religion, and elevates its inherent cosmic-ethical vision back to the height of spiritualization. In this process, instead of the long-departed Primal and All-Mother Aditi, etc., Brahman appears as the ultimate primordial ground, the primal spirit of the universe. Thus, it is stated in the Maitrayana Upanishad 6, 15: "Indeed, there are two forms of Brahman—the time (kāla) and the non-time (akāla). Namely, what existed before the sun (prāg-ādityā) is the non-time (akāla), the indivisible, and what began with the sun (ādityā) is the time, the divisible (sākāla). The manifestation of the divisible is the year (samvatsara), and from the year, these creatures (prajāh, 'humans, offspring') arise; through the year also, after they have arisen here, they grow, and into the year, they return again (Taittiriya Upanishad 3, 1). Therefore, indeed, the year is the Prajapati ('the lord of creatures'), the time (kāla), the sustenance, the nest (the dwelling place) of Brahman and the Atman ('universal soul')."

Here, the entire cosmic religious philosophy from the former Nordic ancestral homeland, the "White Land" (Śveta Dvīpa) of the Aryans, is summarized in a core formulation: Aditi, the Primal and All-Mother, represents the ⦶ solar year, the solar circle, the points of the solstices in the turning points, 8 Ādityas as the subdivision of this ⦶ solar year, as that which is of "Aditi and her sun," the "year" (samvatsara), in which the saṃsāra, the "cycle of return to the same place," the cycle of life, birth, and rebirth, takes place. We will return to Aditi in the second part of our investigation. For the ideographic representation of the All-Mother and her "year" (⦶ as the "thinking head" of the All-Mother, from which creation emerged), we want to again consult the equally rich and ancient tradition of Spanish rock paintings:

A characteristic example is provided by the rock painting of Peñalsordo, Los Buitres (Plate 15a, No. 6): the head of the Divine Mother as "year" ⦶, the year's division line, the "nose," is drawn downward, creating the "long nose" (a). The eyes represent the solar positions of the equinoxes, Old Norse "midtime place" (midhmundastadh), which are otherwise marked on or at the edge of the year—as indicated above—as the separation of the sky and earth regions of the All-Mother (rock painting of Covatilla de San Juan, Breuil III, Pl. LXX (b)).

Therefore, particularly in the Mediterranean and Southeast European regions, within the so-called Linear Pottery Culture, whose ceramics are under the blessing of the Divine Mother, as well as on the Åland Islands, etc., we see the cult images of the Divine Mother depicted with a flat, disc-shaped ⦶ head and, in addition, a large protruding nose. The eyes are perforation holes, two or three in each half.

The fact that this is ancient religious cult symbolism of the Western primal community is evidenced by the occurrence of the same motif within the Germanic folk culture. Jacob Grimm already pointed out the "Frau Percht with the long nose," as the Middle High German poet Hans Vintler from South Tyrol († 1425) calls her. In the Franconian, Swabian, and broader German regions, she is also known as "Iron Bertha" (from the older Germanic Perchta, the "Bright One"). Eventually, "Iron Bertha" even appears with an "iron nose." In Eastern Europe, she appears as the Baba with the iron nose in Hungary, Baba vassosu, in the obscured tradition once a kind helper, also a name for the midwife, eventually (17th-18th century) persecuted as a "witch."

Behind this lies a fading ancient religious cosmic myth of the primordial times, which may have had its echo in the Germanic region in the calendar rune symbolism of the peasant disc and staff calendars:

11th rune l and 12th rune ⦶ (Old High German, Old Saxon jar, Old Norse ár), the calendar runes of the middle of the year is-jar, which in popular language were equated with Old Saxon isar ("iron"). Thus, the "nose" of the ⦶ year-"head" of the All-Mother became an "iron nose."

The Copper Age Predecessor of the Old Italic Inscriptions on Lake Ontario in Canada

The fact that the motif of the Divine Mother with the symbolic "long nose" is already pre- and proto-"Italic," and pre-European, can be observed—anticipating the investigation in the second part of our study—through the great sensation of the rock carvings in the forest near Peterborough, close to Lake Ontario in southeastern Canada (Taf. 29). Briefly noted here, it concerns two groups: one with an Illyrian, "Messapian" inscription ⫯[backwards 6 on a stick]⫯𐌕 (Abb. 104) and a second with more robustly executed ancient Teutonic inscriptions like ╡┤Ɔ) and ᒉ T as well as J||, which surround the figure of the Divine Mother with the arm posture. However, she bears "the long nose." The triangular dagger depiction, as well as the symbol of the Divine Mother as the "wandering" I "power" in the first group (Abb. 104), point to the Stone-Copper Age and the Spanish rock paintings with the same motif; see the adjacent comparative illustration.

The motif is "the walking" of the "divine power," as shown by b) the rock painting from Cueva de la Graja—within the cycle of the year: The "Walking One" is the Divine Mother, from whom this power emanates. In c) the rock painting from El Raton, it is the angular 8 representation of the concentrated divine power 8, which is depicted as ⫯ sprouting, while the other two a) and b) are depicted as radiant. Those who carved these rock images near Peterborough either traveled around the 2nd millennium BCE from the Pyrenees Peninsula with their dugout canoes across the North Atlantic to the northeastern coast of North America, passing through the Saint Lawrence River into Lake Ontario. Or they were the last emigrants from the original homeland of the white race in the North Atlantic polar circle, who—like their tribesmen 30,000 years earlier—were forced to leave the sinking land. The dugout canoe with the sun standard ji in the second group of rock carvings is a genuine Nordic "hällristning" ship (Abb. 105c), which can be found throughout the North Sea region up to the Nordic-Egyptian area as the vehicle of the Atlantic-Nordic Megalithic culture.

Results: The "long nose" of the Divine Mother is deeply rooted in ancient folklore, and the white, European race must have, in different waves and at different times, from the Upper Paleolithic to the later Stone Age, reached Europe from the North Atlantic. And we will more than likely have to accept it as a pre- or proto-Germanic language. We will return to this later.

The Divine Mother from the Altar in Le Comminges (Abb. 21b)

We arrive at the most important monument of the ancient religious continuity of folk belief in Gaul—once again in the North Pyrenees region, a retreat area for the primal religion. Perhaps the small altar was a common consecration and cult stone for both the devout Gallic populace and the Celts, as our investigation will soon show. Thus, it is a consecration stone of the shared primal and ancient folk belief, whether Gallic-Toutonic, Germanic, or Celtic—it is all the same. It has nothing to do with the gods’ spectacle of the ruling powers.

The deity is depicted naked, with arms lowered, and beneath the right hand, there is also a lowered spearhead, indicating a downward direction, a target placed at the feet of the Divine Mother—the HH symbol.

With this symbol, we stand before an ancient tradition. The Old Italic alphabets of Italy, such as the Oscan and Umbrian, no longer know this symbol in its rectangular form HH, but only in the early cursive, the slanted writing H, which then becomes ИИ in the Italic alphabets, or it is altered further. But here, we are still facing the original form and meaning of the word sign HH — m. It is the doubled H = n, essentially n-n, forming m.

In the rock carvings of the Palatinate, the symbol is still preserved. It appears consistently alone and not in ligatures or symbol connections. This is also an indication of the older state of the Teutonic word symbols in the Palatinate compared to the Oscan and Umbrian alphabets. The HH is an apparently venerable symbol in the Teutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate. In its place, DL is "written."

As we will see further below, M—like HH - is a symbolic script sign of the ancestors of the last Ice Age in the Franco-Cantabrian region north and south of the Pyrenees. The M is a pictographic, a pictorial script sign that symbolizes the drawn-together thighs of the Divine Mother as the All-Bearer. The H = n, as the singular of the duality HH = m, is a cosmic-symbolic, an ideographic sign that symbolizes the union of the sky house with the earth house, of the Sky and Earth Mother, the All-Mother. This happens annually when the All-Mother in ェ>H in the half-year of the waning sunlight descends to earth in her yearly cycle. We will return to this later. In the megalithic tomb period, the entire year-symbolism of the Divine Mother was transferred to the God-Son, as the mythicization and embodiment of the "power" of the Divine Mother. Thus begins the third part of his yearly cycle, Old Norse Tyr's aett "God's heavenly direction," "lineage," the winter part of the year—also starting with this MR Tyr "God"-rune. In mythicization, it is interpreted as a spear (Ger) or arrowhead with which the "Man," i.e., the godson who has become mortal, is wounded—"he himself by himself," as is exceptionally preserved in the Edda (Havamal 138). See EF.

In the cosmic-calendrical primal myth, however, it is the Divine Mother who, at the turning point of light and life during the year, is the "Double One" of the pre- and post-winter solstice stillness, the HH, who dwells in the ᚢᚢ "ur". The fact that the HH in the Teutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate still represents the light- and life-turning symbol of the Divine Mother of the "Mother Night" of the year is evident from a very revealing carving at Beilstein. There, in an angle of 90° from a common center point, a HH and a ƎE are carved (see the adjacent sketch). As we will further determine in the second part of our investigation, ƎE is the symbol for the world pillar, the world tree with its three regions: Earth, Air, and Sky, and its split form E is the word symbol for Esa, the Divine Mother as "Mistress" of Spring.

Thus, in the inscription from Altamira on the bison (Abb. 1), the winter solstice astral animal of the Divine Mother, she is invoked twice as the "Walking One" of the year, I(ana), also as the pre- and post-winter solstice figure of the turning of light and life, i.e., two | | symbols, written in uppercase as Majuskel majestatis I(ana) I(ana), with the karst hoe L, as a sign that the Divine Mother dwells in the HH.

In a Palatinate carving on the Rödelstein (Abb. 165), this double invocation of || I(ana) also appears with the hoe symbol L and the added ᛖ M(ater). Below it are the three lines of the "new sprouting." We will return to all this later.

The Hoe as a Socio-Religious Primal Symbol

The hoe is the oldest symbol of the divine order of the universe as a macrocosm, as well as of the human settlement as a microcosm. It is the emblem of "ordering" and of the "order" that has emerged and continues to emerge from it. It is therefore both a divine and a human emblem of sovereignty—human, in the hand of the woman as the "organizer" of the home, the dwelling place, and the life of the family, the clan in this home, and of the hoe-cultivated land that provides sustenance for life, which was cultivated by her as the "one who remains," the "being," with this Γ or ᛚ hoe. The man was a hunter, the wanderer. We will return to this topic in detail in the second part of our treatise.

When — as we will soon see — these North Atlantic people, the Europoid race, land on the Atlantic coast of southwestern Europe north and south of the Pyrenees about 30,000 years before our era with their dugout canoes, they bring with them three high cultural assets that were previously not found in the wider environment of the Old World:

1) A cosmic primal religion of a divine Primal and All-Mother, from whom the ☍8ƧS power emanates, through which everything has come into being and continues to exist, within the order of time and space. This "order" is temporally contained in the "year," in the "wandering" of the All-Mother.

2) An ideographic linear script, symbolic word signs that represent the initial sound of the name of the respective sign. From this, the later alphabetic script of purely phonetic signs developed. The symbolic sign could only be used according to its name-meaning. The derived later alphabetic sign is internally dead, no longer carries meaning, and can be used for all indications and communications as a phonetic sign, even for lies and falsifications.

The ideographic linear script with symbolic concept signs, the primal symbolism, is of monophyletic origin, arctic-northern in heritage, as indicated by the ⦶☍ᚢ in symbols, etc. Apart from this Atlantic-European symbolic script, whose creator was the white race and whose cultic bearer and guardian was the woman, there is no symbolism in the wider world. It first spread from the West, from the Occident, to the East and South, Asia and Africa. The spiritualization, its graphic representation, the abstract symbolic script, is ex occidente (from the West).

3) The Hoe-Cultivating Culture, whose bearer was also the woman, and whose divine emblem and symbol of sovereignty were the hoe or the two hoes: the North Atlantic primal form ꓶΓ or ᛐᛚ, and the later Atlantic-Southwest European form [X with the two top arms having a stick at a 45 degree angle on each arm] or [an X with two 15 degree sticks on the two top arms].

This oldest advanced human culture of Europe, which dates back to the last Ice Age, represents a cultic and social matriarchy of the tribe lasting for 25,000 years, until the people's entry into the migrations, which only began in the later Stone Age.

The Script Monuments of the ᛏ Tys aett "Deity's Heavenly Direction" from the Last Era to the Teutonic Rock Carvings in the Palatinate

The phonetic and scriptural foundation of the primordial European writing from the last Ice Age to the Teutonic rock inscriptions in the Palatinate is originally based on the vision of an arctic ancestral homeland. This means:

1) On the divisibility of the time and space ideograms of the solar year circle ⦶, ⨁, [chaos star in a circle] as well as [hagal rune in a circle], and the symbols that result from the division and splitting, creating split forms with opposing vocalization.

2) This vocalization occurs according to the position and usage of the symbol within the annual cycle, through the cardinal directions = (South-East-North-West) = the seasons (Spring-Summer-Winter) = regions, spaces of the cosmos (Earth-Air-Heaven-Water). It is the ancient pentagram [stick pentagram], later ☆, which is inherent to the Divine Mother as "Time" (cf. text illustration, Plate p. 21) and phonetically symbolizes her yearly cycle.

See "Aufgang" and "Ur." For example, the ᛚ or Γ hoe—as a word (name) is a consonant stem—serves as a symbol of the Divine Mother. Before the turning point of light and life in the year, it vocalizes as ul- or lu-; after the turning point, as al or la; in spring, as el; and at the high point of sunlight as il or li. Or correspondingly la - le - li - lo - lu. The two winter solstice hoes Ar (ᛐᛚ) or Se ([X with the two top arms having a stick at a 45 degree angle on each arm]) vocalize as ul-, al or ul(I)a, al(I)u, and in the vertical Heaven-Earth as ila, ilu, lia, liu, etc.

3) The symbols for the consonant-word stems (syllables), the labial sounds (palatals), the dental sounds (dentals), and the velar sounds (gutturals) or throat sounds (gutturals) are represented by the same symbol, which therefore represents the voiceless (tenues), voiced (mediae), as well as the aspirated sounds (aspiratae). Such a syllabary is the Old Cypriot, which is composed of alternating syllable signs:

From the Upper Paleolithic Symbolic Script Monuments of the Last Ice Age in the West, only a fraction of a fraction has survived. The arctic writing (engraving) or painting materials were wood, birch bark, and prepared hides—all perishable and completely vanished materials. The Cypriot syllabary must originate from an older pre- or proto-Indo-European migration, the arrival of those original North Atlanteans into the Mediterranean region, and it must be older than the inscriptions of Southwestern Europe, from Altamira to the Palatinate.

However, our etymological science—the science of the origin and history of words—operates on the assumption of an Indo-European language with a constructed word root, featuring only a single consonantal and vocalic value. Sound change is regarded as an unconscious, purely mechanical-physiological process. The concept of language as a consciously handled instrument, with sound alternation, ablaut and umlaut of vowels, and sound shift from voiceless to aspirated to voiced, corresponding to the cosmic process of light change throughout the year, which manifests in humans through the soul-spiritual formation of speech—this is entirely beyond the scope and imagination of our etymology.

As a result, etymological dictionaries are teeming with unresolved, unsolvable cases, conflicting interpretations, and mutual rejections, etc.

It will take time before the realization dawns on these traditional representatives (also a male-dominated science) that our distant ancestors—as Homo sapiens of prehistoric times—were much, much closer to nature and the natural experience in its lawfulness than humanity in the male-dominated civilization of the historical era. These northern people of the primal community experienced the rhythm of nature in a way that is no longer possible for us, because this nature has been destroyed.

That is why the proponents of the "established" teachings could not sense or uncover anything about the spiritual-mental life, because they lacked the prerequisite knowledge of symbolism, of primal symbolic script. And because "one" was too intellectually vain to recognize and admit this, as is again demonstrated in the case of the prehistoric script monuments in the Palatinate.

The Inscription of La Madeleine

The only and oldest monument of the third part of the cult-calendrical annual sign series, the ᛏ Tys aett "God's Heavenly Direction"—as preserved in the runic calendrical tradition in Germanic culture—is the fragment from La Madeleine, Dordogne (Plate 1, Fig. 6). It belongs to the Magdalenian period (around 15,000 BCE), but it is not the complete series, rather an excerpt from it. Furthermore, this cult-calendrical annual sign series has various variants, alternate forms, and side forms that were later excluded when transitioning to alphabetic writing.

The woman who carved this shortened series—for writing was painting or engraving (English: to write), and intellectual work was women’s work—performed a great service for us. She did not begin with the ᛏ "rune," as a call to the deity in her descent to Earth as the Earth Mother, but she also invoked the deity as the Heavenly Mother. The inscription begins with the °|’ symbol. I reproduce the left-running inscription here in a right-running direction, considering the much later evidence, which is right-running, to be used for comparison:

The first symbol, however, has been preserved for us in the Venetian script and as a variant of [ᛋ with 2 more middle lines]h. With this, we have found a solid reference point and ground under our feet. The [ᛋ with 2 more middle lines] or [H with 2 diagonal middle lines] =h also appears in the Raetic alphabets. The Venetian and Raetic scripts are considered part of the Alpine alphabets, which—like the Illyrian ones—show significant kinship with the Old Italic alphabets. These same symbols [ᛋ with 2 more middle lines] and [H with 2 diagonal middle lines] therefore also appear in the Umbrian alphabet as a variant of ⊟h.

And to the ⊟ = h, the Illyrian alphabets now contribute the key variants:

The H, however, is the Old Italic n, which in the Illyrian alphabet had already evolved into the cursive N or И, just as HH became [squiggly line] , where the other m symbol ᛖ also appears in its place. Here, therefore, the following have converged:

H represents Heaven/Earth in union, forming the "Mother Power" of the year and of life. This is what is referred to in Old Italic and Old Latin as mundus patet, meaning "the world is open," when the All-Mother, the Heaven-Earth Mother, the Soul Mother, comes to human settlements with the souls destined for rebirth. This is the festival of Acca Larentia, the "Soul Mother," also known as Mania Acca, the "Good Mother" (celebrated on December 25th), who is the same as Jana with the two ᚢᚢ gates of the year, representing death and life. In the time of the migrations, the male god Janus replaced her in Rome. With this, the matriarchal primal religion of the people was deprived of its meaning and doomed to extinction under the new state religion.

The mundus, the "world," is "closed" (clausus) when the Earth Mother, after the light’s turning point, leaves the settlement to enter the fields and awakens seed and crop to new growth. From there, she begins her ascension to the House of Heaven. These stages are pictorially represented in the mentioned Italic symbol variants:

The [summer symbol above] worldview originated from the vision of the arctic-north Atlantic ⦶ and [⦵ with 2 inner circles] year as the "three regions." Confusion arose when people migrated to the new southwestern European homeland, where a ⦻ year was observed. This can still be seen today in the cave paintings of Castillo, Santander in Spain (Figs. 75 and 76). The first group (Fig. 75) shows the individual Heaven-Earth House in the vertical: ⊟ and [summer symbol above]. The rows of dots ascend on the left side of the Heaven-Earth House, representing a plea to the Heaven Mother to send souls down this "Ancestor Path" (Pitryana in Old Indian, see TT 5) to Earth for rebirth. The second painting (Fig. 76) depicts the Heaven-Earth House doubled, as a painted cross x NW-NO/SW-SO, corresponding to the solstice points of the new southern homeland.

Notably, the soul dots rise in the SW-NO direction. The axis—from the highest sun position at the summer solstice, rising in the northeast, to the lowest sun position, setting at the winter solstice in the southwest—forms this diagonal, which then becomes the yearly path of the All-Mother from Heaven to Earth and back. This is classically depicted in a Scythian-Saka rock carving at Irbit, in the Perm region, from the 6th century BCE (T.T.8, no. 2b), as shown in the adjacent sketch.

The Divine Mother is depicted here as the Heaven-Earth House symbol [2b but without the arms in the middle], positioned on the NE-SW diagonal of the ⦻ world and year wheel. The arms, spread crosswise NW-SE, hold an upward-pointing ꓶ hoe in one hand and a downward-pointing L hoe in the other. We will return to this highly significant rock carving in the second part.

However, the X symbol reform from Castillo, corresponding to the new view at southern latitudes, despite its natural correctness, could not prevail against the old traditions. The single vertical Heaven-Earth House remained. Our children of the 20th century CE might have played it similarly, and still do in rural areas, just as the children of their distant Ice Age ancestors of the 20th millennium BCE in Southwestern Europe did; for our entire indigenous spiritual culture—where it still exists and has not been destroyed—is based on the life and natural laws recognized by our distant ancestors of the last Ice Age.

Even though the "conversion" by the Church—today called "re-education"—renamed the old "Heaven-Earth" game into a "Heaven-Purgatory-Hell" game, the names of the regions, "Sea," "Earth," etc., of the lower part still recall the former World and Year House. The above schema of the game from Switzerland—called "Himmelstigen" in the Bernese region—shows three rectangles (1-3) labeled Sea, Earth, Air, which must be hopped through on one leg, with a stone pushed from field to field. Then follows a large rectangle with X or ⧖, the former "year cycle" of the Divine Mother: this field must be jumped around in a circle, on two legs, with one foot in each field (4-7). Above that is the "Upper Heaven" (8). And from there, the return journey is made, back downwards.

That in Spain, 15,000 years after the depiction of the Heaven-Earth symbol from Castillo, children would have etched the same symbol into the sand is vividly confirmed by the Spanish rock paintings (see the adjacent text illustration). In Fig. a), we see the already familiar rock painting in the Grotto of Rabanero, Sierra Morena, with the swan as the guiding bird of the descending Divine Mother. Above, the same Divine Mother, the Heavenly Mother, is depicted as she is about to descend from the Heaven-House [Tyr rune with a circle above a circular roof of the rune].

Below, in the Earth region, she stands as the |, with three child-petition marks at her feet, which also surround the Heaven-Earth House. To the right is her symbol as the All-Bearer nᚢn with drawn-up thighs, between which is the large ʌᚢ "ur", the Mother Gate.

Interestingly, this motif appears similarly in the rock painting of Nuestra Señora de Castillo, where she was already worshipped three thousand years earlier before the Church of Rome renamed her the Virgin Mary (Fig. b).

We see no fewer than five such Heaven-Earth depictions in a group: two of ⊟ type, two of [summer symbol ⊟] type, and one large [⊟ but no bottom line] type, where the | is depicted in the heavens, with the Upper Heaven above her, shaded by the Tree of Descent. Next to it is the figure of the descending Divine Mother with the [circle Tyr Rune] head. To the left of this is the Heaven-Earth symbol, with the variation that the Earth House is symbolized as an [death rune] sign (i.e., an inverted ᛉ "sprouting" sign) above the n Death Gate. Additionally, there is the [sideways fish symbol] sign, which we will explore in the second part of the investigation.

The polyphony of symbols, the intended multiplicity of meanings, is evident in the two left Heaven-Earth Houses, where the regional division is determined by the world pillar, the world tree, which bears the ╪ symbol at its peak, representing the new "sprouting." Alternatively, this trunk stands between the signs of the pre- and post-winter solstice stillness. This symbolism will soon reappear as a primal religious tradition of the ancient Toutonic folk belief in Gaul during the Roman era. This is strongly confirmed by the rock paintings of (c) Arco (Southern Andalusia) and (d) Piedra Escrita, Fuencaliente (Sierra Morena). The former (c) shows the "tree" of the three regions (Heaven, Air, Earth), with the Heaven Mother at the "summit" and the Earth Mother as, inverted, at the "root." We see the same in Fig. d), where the Heaven Mother is above and the Earth Mother below, inverted, forming the duality at the base of the ╪ "tree" of the two regions (Heaven-Earth). Additionally, the symbol of the birthing Divine Mother is depicted, with a halo of rays above her, and the same symbol is repeated without the light arc. Below is a physical representation of the Genetrix and Creatrix with the sun.

We are witnessing a tradition that has endured for 15,000 years. It is the same that we will discuss again in the second part when we visit the chapel of Laussel (Dordogne) (see Fig. e), where we find the same connected depiction of the Heaven Mother above and the Earth Mother below, the latter shrouded in darkness. She possesses the Heart-Head. Between them are the drawn-up knees UU or nn of the Heaven Mother as the Birther. Here, we also encounter the oldest depiction of the three dots, spots, which we saw added to the E⋮ in Spain and the Palatinate. Thus, this E⋮ must be identical to the [nn with ⋯ above them] of the Divine Mother of Laussel: the "three generations" of human life emerge from the womb of the All-Mother through the two nn - /\/\ to new life, to rebirth. There, they receive the ☍☍, the re-ensoulment. Note that of these three prominently depicted dots, the middle one (representing adulthood) is the largest, while the other two (representing childhood and old age) are smaller.

The Inscription of La Madeleine (Dordogne) and El-Hosch

Armed with this knowledge, we now return to the last Ice Age inscription of La Madeleine, this time comparing it with the Neolithic inscription from El-Hosch (Upper Egypt).

More than 10,000 years separate the two versions of the third and final part of the cultic annual calendar disk. These calendars were originally wooden notch disks or notch sticks. Despite the time gap, they still retain the same content, although the El-Hosch series incorporates the grave or "Motherhouse" symbol of the Megalithic tomb religion, reflecting its era. Both series still begin with the rune of the Heaven Mother descending to earth, symbolizing her descent. The La Madeleine series still features the symbol of the Divine Mother as the "Year"-Mother: *|*, the "Old Woman with the Long Nose," the "Year-Mother" from Poseda de Jos (Buitress, T.15a, nr. 6). The initial sound *h* of her name marks her as the Heaven Mother during the summer half of the year, who now descends as ᛏ to earth and becomes the Earth Mother. In the La Madeleine series, this is followed by the two "Ur"-Gates (symbolized as /\/\ or ꓵꓵ), and the two hoes crossed, which still appear vertically with their backs turned. This reflects the old year-division symbolism of the axes or hoes used to divide the year from the former subarctic homeland, which in the ⦻ year of the new southern homeland became X. The sequence concludes with the H symbol that we saw at the altar in Le Commingues at the feet of the Divine Mother, indicated by the lowered spearhead (Fig. 21b, Plate 7). This H symbol at the end of the La Madeleine sequence has another feature: protruding from the back of the HH is the karst hoe, signifying that the Earth Mother has arrived in the human settlement and remains there.

This is the underlying reason why the HH symbol in cursive writing, as seen in the Old Italic alphabets (Oscan, Umbrian), came to signify "enclosure" or "hedge." A red painting in the Grotto of Niaux shows an enclosure, a hedge, containing an animal (possibly a cow). It can also be confidently assumed, based on later findings and linguistic evidence, that the settlements of the Magdalenian period were surrounded by a "hedge," specifically a thorn hedge made of brambles or hawthorn bushes. The motif of the Virgin Mary carrying the Christ Child through a thorn hedge may also, like many other Marian motifs, have its origins in ancient Western religious traditions, as the exhibition in the European Gallery will demonstrate.

The concept of "Being with the Mother" must be incredibly ancient. The "Holy Nights," during which the Divine Mother dwelled in the settlement with the people, in the "People’s Homes" (liödhheimar), as recounted in the Grógaldr 2, 6, where Gróa speaks of it from time immemorial, were the most sacred time of the year, the great mystery. We will learn more about these "three nights" in the second part. The Divine Mother in H, who wields the L hoe, is referred to in the Teutonic tradition of the Palatinate inscriptions as ILM sans I(Kana) I(Kigon) m(ater). She is thus the "Hoe-Mother," the "Mother with the Hoe," the protector of the hoe and of women's hoe agriculture.

The L hoe of the "Hoe-Mother" is called ligon in Oscan, ligo in Latin, meaning hoe, clearing hoe, or karst hoe, and lai in Basque (see further in the European Gallery exhibition). Given that this symbol had the initial sound m, the name for the settlement enclosed by a thorn hedge must have been the old Italic mundus, similar to the Russian mir or the Old Slavic word meaning "Cosmos" ("Consmos") and the communal land. Likewise, in Latin, mundus also meant the cosmic design of the settlement and the cosmos itself—and also "women’s adornment," as the external and internal order, the decoration of women’s work.

Contemporary with the Teutonic rock carving from Rödelstein in the Palatinate is likely the Stone-Copper Age rock carving from El-Hosch in Upper Egypt. This carving also begins with the ᛏ Tys aett, "God's Heavenly Direction" with a prelude, specifically with the "Hand" pictogram, as will be discussed later in the inscription from Altamira. This is the "Comb" or Hand symbol, representing the 5 additional days of the 360-day solar year, and the 2 loops between the two capital letters | | of I(ana). It is "the one hand" of the Divine Mother, which she has at the end of the "Tys aett" to complete the solar circle year of 360 days. This "Comb-Hand" has 4 or 5 prongs, depending on how it was to be arranged.

But before the ᛏ sequence itself, there is another prelude—it is the graphic depiction of the Kathodos, the descent of the Divine Mother from the heavenly house to the earthly house. The fact that this descent, this "decline," was represented as [a vertical line with a horizontal bar at both the top and bottom, each extending outward with short vertical lines at the ends, resembling a bracketed "I"], just as the "ascent" was represented as [vertical line with short horizontal lines at the top and bottom, each extending outward to the left and right, forming a sideways "H" shape with additional vertical extensions at the ends of the horizontal lines], is evident from the contemporary depiction on Neolithic pottery from Tordos, Hungary (Fig. 159), which we will discuss in the second part. There, a year of 52 weeks, equaling 364 days, is marked with or without 4 additional lines, representing leap days, or the two "gates" ꓵꓵ (?). The depiction of the Divine Mother's descent from the heavenly house to the earthly house in El-Hosch also provides a highly valuable addition, as specific names are included. At the top left in the heavenly house, the | symbol looks down, and at the bottom of the descent, on the "Ancestor Path" (Pitryana), lies the H (equivalent to n). This is of great importance, as it helps us understand why we find the same inscription on prehistoric cult stones high in the mountains at Grimantz in Wallis, Switzerland (Fig. 94a), with an IL in front, while on the second stone (Fig. 94b), the inscription as appears. We should therefore consider the two upper letters of both inscriptions, IL, as the name or invocation of the Heavenly Mother, and the two lower symbols, H and CL, as representing the Earth Mother, the Mother Goddess of the yearly, light, and life cycles. This gives us a solid foundation for identifying the names of the two forms of the Divine Mother in her yearly cycle.

But first, let's briefly go through the signs from El-Hosch. After the ᛏ rune (3) representing the descending Divine Mother, we find the tomb-house symbol (4), which is not the general ancient European symbol ▢, but rather that of the typically North African megalithic burial mound, as found in the Sahara, particularly on the plateau of North Touareg, near Ouad Afara.

This provides a clear indication of who the bearers of this Atlantean-Euro-African calendrical cult symbolism were: the Proto-Libyans, the "Atlanteans" mentioned by Diodorus, the pre-dynastic culture-bringers of Egypt (Nagada II culture), who traveled with their giant dugouts from the primal tribes of the Saharan Atlas, from the Gulf of Sirte to the Nile Delta. From there, they traveled upriver to Nubia and through the wadis on the east side of the Nile to the Red Sea and Arabia. The so-called "South Semitic" script, i.e., the script of the megalithic culture people of European race, leads directly from El-Hosch in northwest Africa back to the southwestern European cultural circle.

After the megalithic grave, the symbol M for "Mother" follows—indicating that the grave is the "Mother House," similar to the □ or ⊠ rune in the long Germanic runic sequence. Then, there is a connecting symbol, representing a ᛐn hoe and "Ur," bringing us back to the "Hag" symbol from Altamira, which is repeated in the circle of the lion's tail beneath the script sequence. The lion depicted here on the "Table Stone" dolmen is the companion animal of the Divine Mother in her Earth House—the cave lion, which later (post-Ice Age) was replaced by the wolf (or dog) as the guardian of the death gate. Behind the lion is the life-giving hand of the Divine Mother, which causes everything to sprout anew (Fig. 161).

In the ancient Arabian script, we find the entire primal religious mystery of the "Mother Night" of the Atlantean-European cult year; the descent of the Heavenly House to the Earth House, the coming down of the "force" ☍ in the ⦶ "year," the separation and ascent of the Heavenly House once again, which are also formed in symbolic connections or "monograms" in theophoric (god-bearing) names. The a with which the annual sequence begins is symbolized as the radiation | | or \I/’, which emanates from the "death gate," or as the Heavenly House rising back to heaven Y, or as new sprouting \/.

The so-called "South Semitic," ancient Arabian alphabets were derived from a larger sequence of cultic calendrical symbols, based on the principle of one symbol representing one sound. If this sequence was insufficient, older symbols that were still in common use but no longer included in the "alphabet" were utilized. These "new" symbols, however, are actually ancient, as old as those included in the alphabet. For example, the "new" Thamudic ☍ and the "old" Thamudic [chaos star] [hagal rune].

Returning to the two symbol sequences from La Madeleine and El-Hosch, which contain the motif of the Divine Mother’s journey ᛏ to the ꓵ "Ur," we can observe—contemporaneous to El-Hosch—that the same motif is found in the megalithic grave symbolism of Morbihan (Brittany). The Divine Mother is depicted as ᛏ within the "radiant" ꓵ "Ur" (see Fig. 63, Dolmen of Te Longue, Brittany).

Moreover, in the first half of the last millennium BCE, it is strongly confirmed within the Celtic-Germanic primal religious community of the pre-migration period that the Kathodos, the descent of the Divine Mother, takes place on the left side of the world and year tree, or the annual cycle, symbolized by the N rune marking the deity's path into the "Ur." This is illustrated by:

• Fig. 61 a-b: Inscription stone from the Late Bronze Age Germanic urn cemetery of Gledeberg near Schnega.

• Fig. 62 a-b: Inscription stone from the Celtic hill fort near Hohenschäftlarn near Munich.

With this understanding, we can now interpret the Teutonic rock carvings from Kuckucksfels in the Palatinate (Fig. 60 d): the ᛏ Divine Mother descends "in Advent" to the /\ (ꓵ) location—where she is brought by her escort ship as H M. If ◡ here does not represent the Heavenly House that has descended to Earth, then this is where the Nerthus-Mother resides on Earth, as indicated by the H M carving (Fig. 60c).

Summary: The Names of the Divine Mother in the Rock Carvings of the Palatinate

To summarize, we now know that the | (= i) and ⊟ or [summer square symbol] (= h) symbols represent the Divine Mother as the Heavenly Mother during midsummer, while the H (= n) and C (= k) symbols denote the Divine Mother as the Earth Mother from midwinter to spring. Based on these findings, we can attempt to search the inscriptions of the Italic tribes listed on page 28, primarily the Umbrians and Oscans, for references. However, the results may be limited, as Nerthus has been reinterpreted by heroic court poets as a male god, Njord, and Tuisco-Frey is considered the son of Njord and Skadi, a giant's daughter. This shift degraded the trua i forneskio ("faith from ancient times") in favor of Valhalla-Odin.

In the Italic inscriptions, the Nerthus-Mother, the Earth Mother, no longer appears. She has been completely overshadowed by another Earth Mother, the Hunte, Honde—that is, the Ho. This is the former Heavenly Mother who, after the introduction of a Heavenly Father, was transformed into the Earth Mother, the Mother of the Dead, and the Underworld Mother. This transformation must have occurred before the migration from the Gallic-West Germanic ancestral homeland, as certain names of megalithic graves and other features in that region suggest.

In the inscriptions of the Teutonic rock carvings in the Palatinate, the ⊟ symbol only appears sporadically (see, for example, Fig. 171). In contrast, the symbolism of the Divine Mother as the Earth Mother dominates as H (Nerthus), the Soul Mother, and C or K (the Keres), the Mother of the settlement, the "Home," the mundus, the source of reborn life. Only the Keres stands out in the Italic inscriptions from the end of the last millennium BCE; she was associated with human settlements as the one who watched over the sacred order of the cosmos and the life of people—a role long lost by the Roman vegetation goddess Ceres. The inscription from Capua, Keri Arentikai manafum, begins with the curse of Viba—"Cereri Ultrici mandavi"—which translates to "I have entrusted it to Keres, the Avenger."

We will explore these inscriptions and the symbolism of the Palatinate inscriptions in the second part, along with their Ingvaeonic traditions, particularly the Gróa in the Grógaldr. This is the only song in the Edda where fragments of this ancient religious tradition are preserved, contradicting the courtly poetry that depicts Njord and his wife Skadi as the parents of Frey-Tuisco. In the Grógaldr, Gróa and Sólbiatr ("Sunshine") are the parents of Frey—Sólbiatr being the "force" emanating from the Divine Mother, the origin of the "God-Son"—a symbolism that dates back to the last Ice Age, as seen in La Madeleine.

We will address this entire complex of questions, including Fr. (i.e., Esa-domina), the "Lady," the "Heavenly-Almighty," through whom we also reconnect with Proto-Indo-European traditions and the ancient religious history of the Rigveda concerning the Asuras and the decline of the ancient religion during the migration period (Indra). We will move from the |E, the HE and ME or MEE of the Teutonic inscriptions of the Palatinate, through the El and EE| of the painted pebbles of Mas d'Azil (10,000 BCE) back to the distant prehistoric past of IILEE and WEE of Altamira (15,000 BCE). The collection of monument material compiled by Ludwig Schmidt over decades of diligent work is more than sufficient for this purpose, although much remains open to interpretation. However, for a complete understanding and exploration of this oldest high religion of humanity, it is of utmost importance that the search for monuments continues without delay, so that nothing irreplaceable is lost. The immediate appointment of Ludwig Schmidt as the designated expert for further monument searches and documentation in the Palatinate and neighboring regions should be the top priority.

To illustrate the scope and significance of Schmidt's findings, I am including with the image material of this first part of the investigation several image plates that will be discussed in detail in the second part: Plate 18, Figs. 60 a-d; Plate 27, Figs. 97-99; Plate 28, Figs. 100, 108; Plate 37, Figs. 111-114; Plate 43, Figs. 143-145; Plate 44, Figs. 146, 148; Plate 52, Figs. 164-167; Plate 53, Figs. 186-171; as well as Plate 13, Figs. 104, 105 a-c, showing the "Toutonic-Illyrian" inscriptions in the rock carvings from Peterborough, Ontario, Southeast Canada.